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By Richard M. Hogg

A Grammar of previous English, quantity II: Morphology completes Richard M. Hogg's two-volume research of the sounds and grammatical sorts of the previous English language.

  • Incorporates insights derived from the newest theoretical and technological advances, which post-date most aged English grammars
  • Utilizes the databases of the Toronto Dictionary of outdated English venture - a electronic corpus comprising not less than one reproduction of every textual content surviving in outdated English
  • Features separation of diachronic and synchronic issues within the occasionally complex research of outdated English noun morphology
  • Includes wide bibliographical assurance of outdated English morphology

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Additional resources for A Grammar of Old English: Morphology

Example text

22), but cf. 45n2 in the present volume. pl. 47 for further discussion. g. 44 in the present volume. 31 predict the following paradigm for neuter cnbo ‘knee’, from which the paradigms of the other types may be deduced: Nom. Acc. Gen. Dat. 45ff. 27. These analogical changes are more thoroughgoing in some words than in others. 1 In poetry of all dates, the metre often indicates that the analogical lengthening of diphthongs in inflected cases has not yet taken place; only in the relatively late Met and Jud are there also undeniable signs of lengthening, see Fulk (1992: §§162–9).

2788 e8enu ‘chaff’ is an exception, which may be due to the influence of the alternative gloss s7ealu ‘husk’ or even the Latin. In any case, it is not significant. 22. The metrical evidence, however, cannot be reconciled with the assumption that sawol and sawel are late developments for earlier sawl. 104n3. 12 It is difficult to assess the significance of a number of examples of proper names of the type LVD 29 †Aebbino, since they could easily be fossilized forms. The same type occurs even after heavy monosyllables in names such as LVD 45 †Bettu.

17n3. pl. 25). Possibly *kunnju > *kynnj > cynn. 23, since the loss of *-ã was presumably earlier than high vowel apocope, resulting in syllabification of final *-j in one instance and not the other. Alternatively, and perhaps 2 22 Nouns: stem classes more plausibly, it may be supposed that post-consonantal *-j- was lost continuously in the prehistoric period, both before high vowel apocope (and thus affecting *kunnju) and after both high vowel apocope and high vowel syncope (thus affecting *andijas > *endjæs).

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